Khylko, M. (2004) 'Philosophic and Outlook Basis of Ukrainian Geopolitical Thought'. The dissertation for Ph.D. in Philosophy, speciality 09.00.12 “Ukrainian studies”, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Kyiv, 208 p. [in Ukrainian]

Tytarchuk, O. & Khylko, M. (2016) “NATO, the EU and the OSCE in the Handling of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict: Competitive Synergy or “Freezing” Crisis Management?”, in Goda, S., Tytarchuk, O. & Khylko M. (Eds.), 'International Crisis Management: NATO, EU, OSCE and Civil Society', IOS Press, Amsterdam, pp. 87-100, https://doi.org/10.3233/978-1-61499-641-5-87, https://www.webofscience.com/wos/woscc/full-record/WOS:000385791300008

Registrované v: Web of Science

Khylko, M. & Tytarchuk, O. (2017) “Human Security: World’s Practices and Ukraine’s Perspective”, in Khylko, M. & Tytarchuk, O. (Eds.), 'Human Security and Security Sector Reform in Eastern Europe', Regional Office of Friedrich Ebert Foundation to Ukraine and Belarus, Kyiv, pp. 5-13, https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/ukraine/13420.pdf

Khylko, M. (2021) 'Ukraine−Russia: Motivations, Potentials, Prospects for Developing Relations', Foreign Policy Council “Ukrainian Prism”, Kyiv, 26 p., http://prismua.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/Russia_eng_.pdf

Khylko, M., & Khylko, О. (2024). Navigating Global South’s Ambivalent Stance on Russia-Ukraine War. Evropský politický a právní diskurz, vol. 11, iss. 3, pp. 5-15, https://doi.org/10.46340/eppd.2024.11.4.1, https://eppd13.cz/wp-content/uploads/2024/2024-11-4/03.pdf

Registrované v: Scopus

Khylko, M. & Shelest, H. (2022) “Perceptions of the Black Sea Region Security Amid the Russian Invasion of Ukraine: View from Ukraine”, in Caucasus Analytical Digest, No. 130, pp. 2-12, ETH Zürich, University of Bremen, CRRC-Georgia, University of Zurich, DGO, https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-b-000579582

Tkach, O., Batrymenko, O., Tovmash, D., Liashenko, I., Khylko, O. & Khylko, M. (2023). “The system of political education as an institute for the professionalization of politics”. Cuestiones Políticas, vol. 41(77), pp. 654-675, https://doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4177.43, https://www.webofscience.com/wos/woscc/full-record/WOS:001013087600043

Registrované v: Web of Science

Kashperska, D., Nazarchuk, O., Naumenko, O., Rykhlik, V., & Khylko, M. (2024). “Political elites in Western states: Recruitment principles and areas of responsibility”, Multidisciplinary Science Journal, vol. 6, https://doi.org/10.31893/multiscience.2024ss0712

Registrované v: Scopus

Khylko, O., & Khylko, M. (2024). Explanatory Potential of The Postcolonial Approach for Understanding The Russia–Ukraine War. Topos, (2), 18-41, https://doi.org/10.61095/815-0047-2024-2-18-41

Registrované v: Scopus

Khylko, M., & Khylko, О. (2024). Navigating Global South’s Ambivalent Stance on Russia-Ukraine War. Evropský politický a právní diskurz, vol. 11, iss. 3, pp. 5-15, https://doi.org/10.46340/eppd.2024.11.4.1

Registrované v: Scopus

Vysotskyi, O., Polishchuk, I., Korotkov, D., & Chevychalova, Zh. (2025). Ukrainian Economic Diplomacy during the Full-Scale Russian Aggression. Evropský politický a právní diskurz, 12, 1, 5-12. https://doi.org/10.46340/eppd.2025.12.1.1 (indexed in Scopus) : “Therefore, for our study, the works of scholars who analyzed support for Ukraine in the global world (Khylko & Khylko, 2024), as well as the value, legal, and political preconditions for its implementation in wartime (Danilyan et al., 2022; 2023; 2024; Lysyk & Shperun, 2024), served as a critical lens for understanding the various conditions and aspects of economic diplomacy during the Russian-Ukrainian war.”

Shea, E. & Jaroszewicz, M. (2021). Opening in times of crisis? Examining NATO and the EU's support to security sector reform in post-Maidan Ukraine, East European Politics, 37:1, 159-181, https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2021.1878151, https://www.webofscience.com/wos/woscc/full-record/WOS:000631745600001 (indexed in Web of Science) : "Conceptualisation of the potential influence of NATO and the EU as SSR actors, particularly towards post-Soviet transition states, has remained limited. The literature evaluating NATO or EU SSR missions from a policy studies perspective has largely focused on the Middle East or Africa (Sedra 2006, 2013; Schröder et al. 2013; Schröder 2014), rather than on Eastern European transition states (Simons 2012 on Georgia is an exception). In the “eastern neighbourhood”, NATO and the EU appear to approach SSR support differently in light of the geopolitical context (Tytarchuk and Khylko 2016; Jayasundara-Smits 2018)."

Cordy, J. (2019). Ukraine: Five Years After the Revolution of Dignity. Report 133 CDSDG 19 E. NATO Parliamentary Assembly. Committee On the Civil Dimension of Security, https://www.nato-pa.int/document/2019-cdsdg-report-ukraine-five-years-after-revolution-dignity-cordy-133-cdsdg-19-e-rev-1 : “The lack of progress in the Minsk talks and Moscow’s continuing disregard for its obligations under Minsk II are the cause of much frustration in Ukraine, where Minsk II is increasingly unpopular. A number of proposals are being put forward, including expanding the ‘Normandy Format’ to include the United States and the United Kingdom. Another plan was proposed by Martin Sajdik, Special Representative of the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office in the Trilateral Contact Group on Ukraine. The plan suggests the involvement of the United Nations, which, together with the OSCE, would set up a transitional administration in the areas not controlled by the Ukrainian government and hold local elections, while the European Union (EU) would set up an agency for the reconstruction of the Donbas. The plan is largely in line with Minsk II, but it will depend on whether or not Kyiv and Moscow would be able to agree to the modalities, such as the size of the UN/OSCE mission, the ability for displaced persons to participate in local elections, and the ability of Ukraine to regain control of its side of the border with Russia in Donbas (Khylko, 2019).”

Butler, M.J. (2018). Context, Process, and Structure: Correlates of Conflict Management in Foreign Policy Crisis, Journal of Global Security Studies, Volume 3, Issue 2, April 2018, Pages 163–180, https://doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogx027, https://www.webofscience.com/wos/woscc/full-record/WOS:000434813000005 (indexed in Web of Science) : "The importance of employing conflict management in crisis settings is not lost on statespersons and international organizations employing the tools of negotiation, mediation, arbitration, and adjudication to contain crises. Even a cursory glance at the mandates of the United Nations (UN), North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the African Union (AU), and the European Union (EU), as well as the foreign policies of numerous states affords copious evidence of the central role that managing violent conflict occupies in the crisis management strategies of various security actors (Goda, Tytarchuk, and Khylko 2016; Freedman 2014; Tercovich 2014; NATO 2010; Freedman 2014).

Klyukanov, I.E. (2014). Editor's forum: Russia and Ukraine: crossed communications, Russian Journal of Communication, 6:2, 160-164, DOI: 10.1080/19409419.2014.912999 (indexed in Scopus) : "For that reasons we am calling for studies which explore these events from a communication perspective. As Maksym Khylko writes in his article published in New Eastern Europe: A Quarterly Journal of Central and Eastern European Affairs (17 January 2014), 'the deficit of effective communication, both in the international arena and inside the state, is among the main problems facing contemporary Ukraine'. This view is echoed by others who emphasize the need for a better dialogue between the government and the opposition, as well as within the government and opposition themselves."

Projekt "Čiernomorská spolupráca pre silnejšiu bezpečnosť: Gruzínsko, Ukrajina a Azerbajdžan", ktorý v roku 2022 realizovali Gruzínsky politický inštitút (Gruzínsko), Rada pre zahraničnú politiku "Ukrainian Prism" (Ukrajina) a Centrum pre analýzu politiky Kaukazu (Azerbajdžan), s podporou Európskej únie a Čiernomorského fondu pre regionálnu spoluprácu. Forma účasti: vedúci výskumník z Ukrajiny. Cieľom projektu bolo posilniť spoluprácu medzi krajinami širšieho čiernomorského regiónu: Gruzínska, Ukrajiny a Azerbajdžanu s cieľom riešiť spoločné bezpečnostné výzvy vyplývajúce z bezpečnostného postoja Ruska. V rámci projektu bol vypracovaný výskum, ktorý bol založený na prieskumoch expertov, rozhovoroch a miestnych diskusiách, ako aj poskytnuté politické odporúčania vládam Ukrajiny, Gruzínska a Azerbajdžanu, medzinárodným aktérom a miestnym zainteresovaným stranám. https://gip.ge/publication-post/black-sea-security-after-the-russian-invasion-of-ukraine-views-from-ukraine-georgia-and-azerbaijan/

Projekt "Formovanie holistického sociokultúrneho priestoru Ukrajiny ako súčasti národných konsolidačných stratégií", ktorý v roku 2021 realizoval tím výskumníkov Národnej akadémie vied Ukrajiny. Typ účasti: výskumník a spoluautor. V rámci projektu bola pripravená kolektívna monografia, venovaná štúdiu kulturotvorných faktorov jednoty ukrajinského priestoru ako dôležitého faktora zabezpečenia stability a progresivity spoločenského rozvoja. http://www.irbis-nbuv.gov.ua/everlib/item/er-0004207

Projekt "Prehodnotenie deokupačnej politiky Ukrajiny v rámci hybridnej vojny Ruska proti Ukrajine", ktorý v roku 2020 realizovalo osem ukrajinských think-tankov s podporou Medzinárodnej nadácie Renaissance. Typ účasti: výskumný pracovník a redaktor. Cieľom tejto štúdie bolo načrtnúť názory zainteresovaných aktérov na proces deokupácie, analyzovať motívy a záujmy Ukrajiny, Ruska a ďalších medzinárodných aktérov; preštudovať relevantné prípady deokupácie a reintegrácie v iných krajinách regiónu, ktoré by mala Ukrajina zohľadniť; analyzovať predchádzajúce analytické zistenia k tejto problematike a ponúknuť odporúčania pre novú politiku deokupácie ukrajinských území dočasne okupovaných Ruskou federáciou. http://prismua.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/Deoccupation-Summary-ENG.pdf ; http://prismua.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Analytical-Report-Deoccupation-2020.pdf ; https://www.facebook.com/PrismUA/videos/883713738700233/

Projekt "Ruská vojenská prítomnosť v Arménsku, Moldavsku a na Ukrajine a jej vplyv na situáciu v oblasti ľudských práv", ktorý v roku 2019 realizovali Helsinki Citizens' Assembly-Vanadzor office (Arménsko), East European Security Research Initiative Foundation (Ukrajina) a Promo-LEX Association (Moldavsko), podporený Európskou úniou a National Endowment for Democracy prostredníctvom schémy opätovného poskytovania grantov v rámci Východného partnerstva. Typ účasti: výskumný pracovník a redaktor. Cieľom projektu bolo preskúmať vplyv ruskej vojenskej prítomnosti v Arménsku, Moldavsku a na Ukrajine na situáciu v oblasti ľudských práv v týchto krajinách. https://eesri.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/2019-09_RusMil-HumanRights-Armenia-Moldova-Ukraine_Report_PB_ENG.pdf ; https://eesri.org/events-new/events/russian-military-presence-and-its-impact-on-human-rights-situation-2019/

Projekt "Human Security and Security Sector Reform in Eastern Europe", ktorý realizovala Nadácia Východoeurópskej iniciatívy pre výskum bezpečnosti (Ukrajina) s partnermi z Arménska, Gruzínska, Moldavska, Bieloruska, Litvy, Slovenska a Ukrajiny, podporený Nadácia Friedricha Eberta. Typ účasti: riaditeľ projektu, výskumný pracovník a redaktor. Cieľom projektu bolo analyzovať otázky ľudskej bezpečnosti v kontexte reformy posttotalitných bezpečnostných sektorov v krajinách strednej a východnej Európy. https://library.fes.de/pdf-files/bueros/ukraine/13420.pdf ; https://eesri.org/2017/06/human-security-and-security-sector-reform-in-eastern-europe/